(CARIBBEAT - Jared McCallister)
As expected, Jean-Claude (Baby Doc) Duvalier's return to Haiti after a nearly 25-year exile continues to make news. Last week, the United Nations announced it's not too late to prosecute Duvalier - and it will help.
"Under international law, there is no statute of limitations for serious human rights violations such as torture, extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances and rape," said Navi Pillay, UN high commissioner for human rights.
Agency officials offered Haiti assistance in prosecuting Duvalier for crimes committed under his regime.
"Haiti has an obligation to investigate the well-documented serious human rights violations that occurred during the rule of Mr. Duvalier and to prosecute those responsible for them," said Pillay, a former UN war crimes judge.
"Such systematic violations of rights cannot remain unaddressed. The thousands of Haitians who suffered under this regime deserve justice," added Pillay.
Meanwhile, Duvalier was also trying to get access to funds frozen by Swiss banks, AFP reported.
"In 25 years [in exile], I have never had any accounts frozen, in Switzerland or anywhere," Duvalier told the Spanish-language Univision network.
Switzerland blocked millions of dollars suspected to have been stolen from the Haitian people under its recently enacted "Duvalier law," designed to return the funds to the impoverished Caribbean country.
"As soon as they release those funds, most of them will be used to rebuild the city of my mother's birth," told the network.
In addition, there is a 25-year legal battle between Swiss authorities and the Duvalier family over an additional $5.7million inallegedly embezzled funds.
Monday, February 7, 2011
Time for Haiti to Withdraw from the OAS and the U.N.
(Max A. Joseph)
At the beginning of the Cold War (1945) until its end (1991) the western powers, preoccupied with stopping the Soviet juggernaut, abandoned the principle of direct rule of less advanced nations in favor of nominal independence. With the exception of France and the US, the leading western powers refrained from direct military interventions in the Third World throughout that period and institutionalized a policy of organized chaos as an alternative. Naturally any country that stretches its autonomy away from the western world’s economic and political umbrella finds itself confronting economic sanctions or embargoes, indigenous armed rebellions, military coups and other stratagems calibrated to bring it back into the fold. In Africa, particularly, even countries that toed the line did not fare any better in terms of economic, social and political development, which remained subordinate to the interests of the western world.
Fast forward to the aftermath of the Cold War (1991) and the policy became more disturbing. Sparing down their costly military expenditures following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the western nations adopted a novel approach to interventions in the Third World: having these countries police themselves. As Russia, the successor to the Soviet Union, retreats into introspection and China, an emerging giant unsure of itself, dares not challenge the west’s political supremacy, the unrestrained power of the Security Council is invariably used by the western powers to implement the New Order. Thus Third World nations, which could eventually be victimized under the same policy, are defending the world against “the threat to international peace and security” in Haiti as decreed by the western-dominated Security Council. The policy, which should be dubbed “Domination by proxies”, is absurd and highlights the temerity of its architects and many participating nations. Presently, dysfunctional luminaries such as Benin, Burundi, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Guatemala, Madagascar, Nigeria and Niger are not only protecting the free world against the “Haitian threat” but also helping built Democracy and the rule of law in Haiti.
Founded upon the inalienable right to self-determination, incidentally a core principle of the United Nations Charter, Haiti became the most prominent victim of that policy in the year of its bi-centennial (2004). That year, an armed rebellion against the democratically elected government of that country, instigated by Canada, France and the U.S, was used as rationale for the designation of Haiti “a threat to international peace and security” by the UN Security Council under the repressive Chapter VII, which authorizes military actions against the offender.
Almost 7 years into this fateful decision, the so-called threat is being dealt with in the form of a protracted and deliberate process of steering the Haitian state into oblivion. An army of foreign-funded and administered Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) has practically taken over the administration of the country with the tacit approval of the current government. Haitian women and children are facing the gun barrels of the occupiers daily while thousands of their fellow compatriots have died or are dying from an imported cholera epidemic that seems to have fallen below the radar of both the U.N and the government’s priorities. Needless to say, the panacea to Haiti’s problems under the UN occupation (2004-?) remains as elusive as the western world’s unending quest to subjugate the population by sheer intimidations and institutionalized terror.
Roger Noriega, Assistant U.S Secretary of State for Western Hemispheric Affairs (2003-05) and primary coordinator of the policy, which led to the February 29, 2004 invasion of Haiti, was unapologetic for his role. Despite the thousands of deaths resulting from the endeavor, he would later declare nonchalantly and condescendingly “We (the U.S) are glad to see Aristide (the deposed president) gone. Haiti is better off without him. Though we had no right to change presidents in Haiti, that doesn’t means we cannot make logical decisions as to what is best for the country.” Having made a logical decision for Haiti, Roger Noriega is now a visiting fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank, probably improving his infallible judging ability and devising ways to deal with similar threats to world peace and security.
The commission appointed by Ban Ki-Moon, the UN General Secretary, to probe the origin of the cholera epidemic and the OAS technical team’s recommendation that the November 28, 2010 election results be partially overturned are palpable instances of Haiti being a plantation. Ki-Moon’s decision was taken without the authorization of the Haitian government and not one Haitian health expert was assigned to the panel, an ominous indication the presumptive culprit, the Nepalese battalion attached to the MINUSTAH, will be exonerated. As for the OAS technical team’s edict, it probably came with a warning to Préval that he’ll be held accountable for a recurrence of last December riots, in the event his candidate refuses to accept it.
The fact that Haiti has been on the right side of justice, hence on the wrong side of tyranny, apparently justifies its designation as a threat to world peace and security. A new approach to dealing with its tormentors is needed, if the country were to overcome the two centuries of methodical harassments that have made it a laughingstock. Forfeiting its membership in the OAS and the UN is the prerequisite to Haiti achieving that goal, since most Haitians cannot in good conscience countenance these organizations’ responsibility in the subjugation of their country.
At the beginning of the Cold War (1945) until its end (1991) the western powers, preoccupied with stopping the Soviet juggernaut, abandoned the principle of direct rule of less advanced nations in favor of nominal independence. With the exception of France and the US, the leading western powers refrained from direct military interventions in the Third World throughout that period and institutionalized a policy of organized chaos as an alternative. Naturally any country that stretches its autonomy away from the western world’s economic and political umbrella finds itself confronting economic sanctions or embargoes, indigenous armed rebellions, military coups and other stratagems calibrated to bring it back into the fold. In Africa, particularly, even countries that toed the line did not fare any better in terms of economic, social and political development, which remained subordinate to the interests of the western world.
Fast forward to the aftermath of the Cold War (1991) and the policy became more disturbing. Sparing down their costly military expenditures following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the western nations adopted a novel approach to interventions in the Third World: having these countries police themselves. As Russia, the successor to the Soviet Union, retreats into introspection and China, an emerging giant unsure of itself, dares not challenge the west’s political supremacy, the unrestrained power of the Security Council is invariably used by the western powers to implement the New Order. Thus Third World nations, which could eventually be victimized under the same policy, are defending the world against “the threat to international peace and security” in Haiti as decreed by the western-dominated Security Council. The policy, which should be dubbed “Domination by proxies”, is absurd and highlights the temerity of its architects and many participating nations. Presently, dysfunctional luminaries such as Benin, Burundi, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Guatemala, Madagascar, Nigeria and Niger are not only protecting the free world against the “Haitian threat” but also helping built Democracy and the rule of law in Haiti.
Founded upon the inalienable right to self-determination, incidentally a core principle of the United Nations Charter, Haiti became the most prominent victim of that policy in the year of its bi-centennial (2004). That year, an armed rebellion against the democratically elected government of that country, instigated by Canada, France and the U.S, was used as rationale for the designation of Haiti “a threat to international peace and security” by the UN Security Council under the repressive Chapter VII, which authorizes military actions against the offender.
Almost 7 years into this fateful decision, the so-called threat is being dealt with in the form of a protracted and deliberate process of steering the Haitian state into oblivion. An army of foreign-funded and administered Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) has practically taken over the administration of the country with the tacit approval of the current government. Haitian women and children are facing the gun barrels of the occupiers daily while thousands of their fellow compatriots have died or are dying from an imported cholera epidemic that seems to have fallen below the radar of both the U.N and the government’s priorities. Needless to say, the panacea to Haiti’s problems under the UN occupation (2004-?) remains as elusive as the western world’s unending quest to subjugate the population by sheer intimidations and institutionalized terror.
Roger Noriega, Assistant U.S Secretary of State for Western Hemispheric Affairs (2003-05) and primary coordinator of the policy, which led to the February 29, 2004 invasion of Haiti, was unapologetic for his role. Despite the thousands of deaths resulting from the endeavor, he would later declare nonchalantly and condescendingly “We (the U.S) are glad to see Aristide (the deposed president) gone. Haiti is better off without him. Though we had no right to change presidents in Haiti, that doesn’t means we cannot make logical decisions as to what is best for the country.” Having made a logical decision for Haiti, Roger Noriega is now a visiting fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank, probably improving his infallible judging ability and devising ways to deal with similar threats to world peace and security.
The commission appointed by Ban Ki-Moon, the UN General Secretary, to probe the origin of the cholera epidemic and the OAS technical team’s recommendation that the November 28, 2010 election results be partially overturned are palpable instances of Haiti being a plantation. Ki-Moon’s decision was taken without the authorization of the Haitian government and not one Haitian health expert was assigned to the panel, an ominous indication the presumptive culprit, the Nepalese battalion attached to the MINUSTAH, will be exonerated. As for the OAS technical team’s edict, it probably came with a warning to Préval that he’ll be held accountable for a recurrence of last December riots, in the event his candidate refuses to accept it.
The fact that Haiti has been on the right side of justice, hence on the wrong side of tyranny, apparently justifies its designation as a threat to world peace and security. A new approach to dealing with its tormentors is needed, if the country were to overcome the two centuries of methodical harassments that have made it a laughingstock. Forfeiting its membership in the OAS and the UN is the prerequisite to Haiti achieving that goal, since most Haitians cannot in good conscience countenance these organizations’ responsibility in the subjugation of their country.
Wednesday, February 2, 2011
Aristide - part deux
(Reuters)
PORT-AU-PRINCE -- Haiti is ready to issue a diplomatic passport to ousted ex-President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, opening the way for his possible return from exile in South Africa, a senior official said yesterday.
"The Council of Ministers, under the leadership of President René Préval, decided that a diplomatic passport be issued to President Aristide, if he asks for it," said Fritz Longchamp, general secretary for the presidency.
Some aid donors fear the one-time Catholic priest who became Haiti's first freely elected president in 1990 could disrupt an already confused election process from which his party is banned.
PORT-AU-PRINCE -- Haiti is ready to issue a diplomatic passport to ousted ex-President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, opening the way for his possible return from exile in South Africa, a senior official said yesterday.
"The Council of Ministers, under the leadership of President René Préval, decided that a diplomatic passport be issued to President Aristide, if he asks for it," said Fritz Longchamp, general secretary for the presidency.
Some aid donors fear the one-time Catholic priest who became Haiti's first freely elected president in 1990 could disrupt an already confused election process from which his party is banned.
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